What is the Turkish Coup?
Turkey, a country historically associated with numerous coups, experienced its first attempted coup in nearly twenty years. On July 15, 2016, a coup d’état was attempted in Turkey by factions within the Turkish Armed Forces. It was revealed that the attempted coup was executed by an organization that dubbed themselves the Peace at Home Council, composed of a minority of the Turkish military force, citing democratically-elected President Erdogan’s recent shift to Islamic policy, contrary to Turkey’s secularism. The organization attempted to take control of key state institutions in Ankara and Istanbul through the bombing of government buildings like the Turkish Parliament and Presidential Palace, as well as occupying Taksim Square in Istanbul. Within a few hours of the coup, President Erdogan responded on his mobile phone to CNN Turk with a call to his supporters to “take to the streets against the uprising” and ordered for a no-fly zone over Ankara (“Turkish President”, 2016). Due to the lack of public support and military backing, the Turkish Armed Forces were swiftly neutralized by the large numbers of pro-government masses. As a result of the failed coup, more than 300 people were killed and 2,100 injured (Ward, 2016). Despite the early surrender of the involved military sect, the Turkish government has detained more than 40,000 people and arrested more than 20,000 since July 15 for suspected loyalty to Fethullah Gulen, the alleged organizer of the coup, leading to a mass purge (Kennedy, 2016). Despite the release of all but 5,187 of the original detainees, nearly 80,000 educators and civil servants have been suspended with more than 5,000 dismissed, and Amnesty International reports some of those detained have been subject to torture and rape (Hanna & Hume, 2016). The aftermath of the failed coup raises questions about the Turkish government’s role in the republic and their response to countries within NATO and the EU.
What prompted the coup?
Turkey’s path to democracy began in 1922, when Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, a Turkish revolutionary and the country’s first president, instituted significant reformation for the country’s modernization. However, this path has been tumultuous; there have been numerous attempted coups, the most recent attempt occurring in 1997. These coups have long been due to violent clashes between left and right-wing groups within Turkey’s government, and the military’s vision of itself as the “guardian of Turkish democracy” first introduced by Ataturk (Al Jazeera, 2016). The president heavily blamed this particular coup on party sympathizers of Fethullah Gulen. Gulen’s movement is described as “a moderate, pro-Western brand of Sunni Islam that appeals to many well-educated and professional Turks” by the New York Times (Bennett, 2014). On the other hand, the “Peace Council” released a statement referencing Erdogan’s apparent role in the decline of democracy in Turkey as their motivation. This dissatisfaction within the Turkish Armed Forces over President Erdogan and his government’s move towards a larger role for Islam in public life and therefore, a less secular, less democratic government, accounted for the Peace Council’s actions. This event has been largely defined as a military movement for the defense of democracy to counteract Erdogan’s prevention of secular progress in Turkey. Although the coup failed, the aftermath of the attempted takeover has raised many questions regarding the fate of Turkey’s democracy and the stability of Erdogan’s regime, both domestically and internationally.
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Demonstrators in Taksim Square, Istanbul
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What is the global impact of Turkey’s failed coup?
National implications of Turkey's coup have already become apparent. This event has been largely defined by the state's support of a narrative that portrays the event as an Islamist movement for the defense of democracy. This is a rupture with the country’s secular past that began under Kemal Ataturk. The popular resistance to the coup and Erdogan’s public discourse have led to a period of relative national cohesion, and the consolidation of the president's control of the state. However, many have been excluded from this new idea of cohesion, notably the numerous civilians and intellectuals that were incarcerated in the aftermath of the coup. When discussing the international repercussions of the coup, Turkey's role as a NATO member comes into play, as well as the international implications of this partnership, which remains a definitive factor in shaping Turkey’s foreign policy. In the wake of the coup and the convergence of power in the figure of President Erdogan, his anti-western policies and authoritarian rule have become center stage issues within NATO and EU discussions (Ward, 2016). The state crackdown and arbitrary arrests, which have even been defined as a political purge of governmental opposition, caused concerns in the international community, particularly Amnesty International. Nevertheless, the United States has restated its support for the legitimate rule of the elected Turkish government. Furthermore, the instability of Turkish politics is seen as a threat to the cohesion of NATO's military front, and may hinder operations against ISIS militias and heighten regional instability.
As Turkey strives to come to terms with what may be the consolidation of a new era in its national identity and domestic politics, it must face the implications of the actions that arose in response to the coup, and how these mass detainments and new policies affect civil liberties. Today, the country faces the challenge of rebuilding national unity, while managing the breaks within civil society. In addition, as ISIS forces advance towards Turkish borders, and the concerns of Western powers towards President Erdogan's government become more apparent, Turkey's need for stability predominantly grows in criticality and urgency.
References
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Group Members: Claire Acree, Grace Hale, Safya Osman, Ester Brito Ruiz, Jori Vajretti
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